re usually no comparable grammars, dictionaries, and standardized texts for the L variety.
The L variety often shows a tendency to borrow learned words from the H variety, particularly when speakers try to use the L variety in more formal ways. The result is a certain admixture of H vocabulary into the L. On other occasions, though, there may be distinctly different pairs of words, i. e. , doublets, in the H and L varieties to refer to very common objects and concepts. Since the domains of use of the two varieties do not intersect, there will be an L word for use in L situations and an H word for use in H situations with no possibility of transferring the one to the other. So far as the pronunciation of the two varieties is concerned, the L system will often appear to be the more basic.
People living in a diglossic community do not usually regard diglossia as a problem. It becomes a problem only when there is a growth of literacy, or when there is a desire to decrease regional or social barriers, or when a need is seen for a unified national language. In Haiti, any attempt to develop literacy had to confront directly the issue of whether to increase the amount of Standard French taught or to elevate the L variety, Haitian Creole, into a national language. Haitian Creole was eventually recognized as a national language in 1983. Both languages were made official in 1987. There has been an ongoing debate about the most appropriate orthography (spelling system) for Haitian Creole: about the use of certain letters and accents, and about whether the differences between French and Haitian Creole should be minimized in the orthography for Haitian Creole or whether that orthography should be as transparent as possible in relating letters to sounds, particularly the
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