sounds of the most widespread variety of Haitian Creole. French, though not widely used, has such prestige that, according to Schieffelin and Doucet (1998, p. 306) virtually any proposal for an orthography for kreyòl has created resistance both to the adoption of the orthography and to the use of kreyòl as a medium of instruction in school. The double resistance comes from both the masses and the educated elite minority. The masses see the officialization of written and spoken kreyòl in school as limiting their access to French and, consequently, their social and economic mobility. The elites, who already know kreyòl, do not see the point of teaching it, in any form, in school.
The Greeks have still not entirely solved the problems associated with their two varieties: conservative Greeks want to resolve any differences in favor of the H variety, but liberals favor the L variety. The twentieth century witnessed a long and sometimes bitter struggle between supporters of the two varieties. Religious authorities condemned a 1921 translation of the New Testament into Demotic Greek and this action led to rioting in the streets of Athens. One consequence of the language disagreement was that, when the liberal government of the 1960s was overthrown by the colonels in 1967, the former governments program to extend the uses of Dhimotiki was superseded by restoration of use of the H variety, Katharévousa, for example in education, and the suppression of Dhimotiki because of its association with left-wing views. With the return to constitutional government in 1975 the H was superseded in turn by the L, Dhimotiki was declared the official language of Greece in 1976, and Katharévousa disappeared almost entirely from public view. The new model for Greece seems to be based on th
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